
OUTSOURCING
By former U. S. Sen. Ernest F. Hollings
(click
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Today, everyone agrees that the economy is their principal concern.
But no one wants to mention the most damaging affect to the economy--
the outsourcing of jobs; the outsourcing of production; the outsourcing
of technology; the outsourcing of research; the outsourcing of
investments; the outsourcing of the economy. We can't get the
presidential candidates to pronounce the work "outsourcing."
And the free press is worse. David Leonhardt, in a New York
Times article, faults Obama for not telling "
an
effective story about the economy during the campaign." Nor
does Leonhardt. His article, entitled "Obamanomics,"
discusses every effect to the economy but the outsourcing of the
economy.
Congress
has become accustomed to Corporate America taking care of the
economy. Henry Ford developed the most important part of the economy,
the middle class, by doubling the minimum wage and instituting
health care and retirement benefits. And Ford and other business
foundations developed the communities. Enforcement of our trade
laws was left to hearings before administrative bodies and Congress
allowed treble damages to be awarded to a business that succeeded
in enforcing our trade laws. Congress doesn't regulate outsourcing
because the economists and business leadership keep telling us
the economy may need a little stimulation but it is fundamentally
strong. And now, Congress is fearful of stopping outsourcing because
Corporate America that contributes to campaigns constantly admonishes
"free trade," "protectionism."
After
World War II, the strategy in the Cold War was to defeat communism
with capitalism. We instituted the Marshall Plan and entered into
free trade agreements to open markets, yielding entry into our
market. But Japan refused to open its market and set about taking
over in international trade with an assault for market share.
Japan sold its export at cost or below cost, making up the profit
in its closed domestic market. It directed this global assault
by financing production with the Ministry of Finance and selecting
aim in trade with the Ministry of International Trade and Industry.
Today, as General Motors and Ford struggle, Toyota is No. 1. Other
countries followed Japan's strategy of market share, more or less
resulting in a trade war. Corporate America and Congress tried
to engage, but were thwarted at every turn. Forty years ago, we
passed a trade bill to protect our textile industry with a bipartisan
majority in the United States Senate, only to have it defeated
by President Lyndon Johnson in the House of Representatives.
President
Johnson joined the big banks, the Trilateral Commission, and the
Council on Foreign Relations in a call for free trade, against
protectionism. Banks were interested in increasing their profits
by developing economies abroad, and President Johnson was determined
to defeat communism with capitalism. But back home we were losing
jobs and production because we couldn't get into Japan's market.
The sale of textiles in Korea was blocked because we had to secure
permission from the Korean textile manufacturers. All along we
couldn't get the administration to enforce the laws against dumping.
Later, we passed a protectionist trade bill with the help of Corporate
America through both Houses of Congress, only to be vetoed by
President Jimmy Carter counseling productivity and free trade.
At
the time, the textile industry was upgrading $2 billion a year
and was far and away the most productive of manufacturers. Corporate
America sought protection for its investment and production by
passing two more trade bills, both to be vetoed by President Ronald
Reagan. The National Association of Manufacturers, the American
Textile Manufacturers Institute, the United States Chamber of
Commerce, all joined with the textile industry in passing another
bill to protect America's investment and production through both
Houses of Congress, to be vetoed by President George Herbert Walker
Bush again warning against protectionism. Our trading partners
kept their markets protected and continued to violate free trade
agreements. Not receiving protection from either Democratic or
Republican presidents, industry began outsourcing. President Clinton's
North American Free Trade Agreement with Mexico and Permanent
Normal Trade Relations with China turned outsourcing into a hemorrhage.
Now under President George W. Bush, little South Carolina has
experienced a net loss of 94,500 manufacturing jobs with an unemployment
rate of 7%. The nation has lost millions of jobs and important
production. And what isn't being outsourced is being bought up
with the cheap dollar -- IBM with 500 patents to China; Lucent
and 800 Bell Lab patents to France; Westinghouse Nuclear with
all of its government nuclear research to Japan; Vodaphone to
Germany; Gateway to Taiwan; Bethlehem Steel, that furnished the
steel for World War II, to Russia, and now Genentech to Switzerland.
Our country is going out of business.
China
now engages in this trade war with the supermodel of government
controlled capitalism. It has opened its market, but only on condition.
China demands research and technology for Corporate America to
produce in China. Twenty years ago, General Motors located the
most modern automotive research lab in Shanghai for permission
to produce its Buick automobile in China. The best of U. S. technology,
Microsoft and Intel, have followed suit. Today, China already
has a space program and nuclear and by this time next year will
out-produce the United States of America. China alters the technology,
patents it, and Chinese production becomes the best and cheapest
in international trade. In a few short years, when China tells
Corporate America it doesn't need it anymore, Corporate America
will return home unable to produce anything for a profit.
Globalization
is nothing more than a trade war -- with the United States AWOL.
We refuse to fight; we refuse to compete in globalization; we
refuse to protect our economy and standard of living like the
plague. Ironically, the United States was founded on protectionism.
We obtained a consensus for a Constitution in 1787, but it took
four more years to reach a consensus on First Amendment rights
of the freedom of speech, religion, assembly and the press. Foremost
in the minds of the forefathers in 1787 was manufacture. The Crown
had forbidden manufacture in the colonies -- one couldn't even
print a Bible. So President George Washington, in his first message
to the Congress in 1789, counseled: "A free people should
promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent
on others for essential, particularly military supplies."
And the first bill to pass Congress in history, on July 4, 1789,
called for a 50% tariff on numerous articles. We financed and
developed the economy of this great nation with protectionism.
We didn't pass the income tax until 1913.
Today,
all in Congress swear by free trade. None other than Teddy Roosevelt
exclaimed: "Thank God I'm not a free trader." Edmund
Morris, in Theodore Rex, reported that the United States
when Teddy Roosevelt was President "found her worth twenty-five
billion dollars more than her nearest rival, Great Britain, with
a gross national product more than twice that of Germany and Russia."
Few
realize the business leadership of America has been outsourced.
Corporate America has changed sides and along with the Business
Round Table, National Association of Manufacturers and the United
States Chamber of Commerce opposes our country competing in globalization.
As a "fifth column" in the Trade War, they shout "free
trade," "protectionism," to protect Corporate America's
record profits from outsourcing. This leads the people and us
in politics to think free trade is a sound policy to build the
economy. Nonsense! As Cordell Hull said: "It is reciprocal
free trade."
Article
I, Section 8, of the Constitution, assigns the responsibility
for trade to Congress. We've got to get out of the Iraq War and
the Afghanistan War and get into the Trade War. First, Congress
must organize to do battle by correlating the Special Trade Representative
and other entities of trade into a new Department of Trade and
Commerce. We don't need any new trade laws; all we need is to
enforce the laws on the books. We enforce the trade laws against
domestic production with an Assistant Attorney General for anti-trust.
Have the same attorney general enforce trade laws governing foreign
production. We can abolish the International Trade Commission
and take the tax benefits to outsourcing and give them to domestic
production.
We
need a value added tax to remove the disparity (17%) or penalty
for the United States in international trade. Every industrialized
country has a VAT that's rebated at the time of export. But Corporate
America's taxes are not rebated. It will take a year for the IRS
and business to organize for a VAT. In the meantime, we can enact
a 5% to 10% import surcharge as President Richard Nixon did in
1971. This will stop the hemorrhaging of outsourcing, remove the
disparity in trade, and provide the money for the health, infrastructure,
energy and deficit problems. The Secretary of commerce is emburdened
with the duty to prepare a list of materials critical to our national
security. We have now some 500 items on the list, some of which
we will have to enact quotas or tariffs to produce for our defense.
For example, we are getting in a position that we have to depend
on China, Japan and India for vital plane and automobile parts.
Rolling stock is necessary for our defense. In World War II, Ford
produced the tanks and GM produced the B-24s. Activate the Secretary
of Commerce's list and put America back to work.
As
Lincoln said: "As our case is new, so we must think anew
and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves [from free trade and
protectionism and begin trading], and then we can save our country."
Ernest
F. Hollings served as South Carolina's governor from 1959 to 1963
and as a United States senator from 1966 to 2005.